Skip to content Skip to footer
|

Where the Reality of Abortion Resides: Intimate Wars

When I first opened a clinic for women's abortion care in Flushing, New York in 1971, women finally had access to safe, legal abortions – even before Roe v. Wade decriminalized abortion across the country. New York State had acted to decriminalize abortion in 1970, so we were already a step ahead. Doctors could now treat patients in a respectful environment, away from the back-alley secrecy and lethal dangers. I started working on building the clinic as a neophyte, but in my new memoir, Intimate Wars, I describe how, over the next several years, I began to become more and more connected to the work, the women, and from there, social and political activism. Below is an excerpt from Intimate Wars:

When I first opened a clinic for women's abortion care in Flushing, New York in 1971, women finally had access to safe, legal abortions – even before Roe v. Wade decriminalized abortion across the country. New York State had acted to decriminalize abortion in 1970, so we were already a step ahead. Doctors could now treat patients in a respectful environment, away from the back-alley secrecy and lethal dangers.

I started working on building the clinic as a neophyte, but in my new memoir, Intimate Wars, I describe how, over the next several years, I began to become more and more connected to the work, the women, and from there, social and political activism.

Below is an excerpt from Intimate Wars:

After a few years of directing Flushing Women's [Medical Center], my days at the clinic had begun to feel a little more routine. By then we were seeing fifty women a week, and at that time I was still counseling most of them.

I can't remember how many hands I held, how many heads I caressed, how many times I whispered into how many ears, “It will be all right, just breathe slowly.” I saw so much vulnerability: legs spread wide apart; the physician crouched between white, black, thin, heavy, but always trembling, thighs; the tube sucking the fetal life from their bodies.

“It'll be over soon, just take one more deep breath” — the last thrust and pull of the catheter — then the gurgle that signaled the end of the abortion. Gynecologists called it the “uterine cry.” Over and over again I witnessed women's invariable relief after their abortion that they were not dead, that God did not strike them down by lightening, that they could walk out of this place not pregnant any more: that their lives had been given back to them.

It was the kind of born again experience that often resulted in promises: I will never do this again. I will always make him wear condoms. I will be more careful next time.

It was the very young girls that moved me most. I felt so much rage against the males who impregnated each child—was it her father, her brother, some young boy with no thought for the consequences? The girls, the women, were duly punished for their part of the sex act. But for the boy or man there was no censure, never was.

At times I was filled with a kind of bitter resignation. I knew that I might see each again soon. So many of them were barely more than babies themselves when pregnancy came, unplanned and unwanted. They were innocent and often ignorant, didn't believe they were pregnant until it was too late to deny it, too afraid to ask for help at first. “Maybe it'll go away,” they reasoned.

I spent hours counseling husbands, lovers, sisters, and mothers whose fury at their daughters' betrayal needed a kind of salve I couldn't give. “Let her get local anesthesia,” they said. “Let her really feel the pain so she knows never to do it again.” The daughters' heads lay on my shoulder as I sat on their beds, wiping tears of relief or regret or both, whispering comfort, giving absolution, channeling rage, sharing life.

“I would want to keep this pregnancy, if only…” I learned that it is in the “if only” that the reality of abortion resides. It's there in the vast expanse of a lived life — the sum of experience, the pull of attachment, the pain of ambivalence. “If only” is a theme with thousands of variations.

If only I wasn't fourteen.

If only I was married.

If only my husband had another job.

If only I didn't give birth to a baby six months ago.

If only I didn't just get accepted to college.

If only I didn't have such difficult pregnancies.

If only I wasn't in this lousy marriage.

If only I wasn't forty-two.

If only my boyfriend wasn't on drugs.

If only I wasn't on drugs.

If only . . .

I bore witness to each woman's knowledge of holding the power to decide whether or not to allow the life within her to come to term.

The act of abortion positions women at their most powerful, and that is why it is so strongly opposed by many in society. Historically viewed and conditioned to be passive, dependent creatures, victims of biological circumstance, women assume the power over life and death with the choice of abortion, an awkward mantle for many. They fall prey to the assumption — the myth — that women should not be trusted with this ultimate power.

(From Intimate Wars: The Life and Times of the Woman Who Brought Abortion from the Back Alley to the Board Room by Merle Hoffman)

We’re not backing down in the face of Trump’s threats.

As Donald Trump is inaugurated a second time, independent media organizations are faced with urgent mandates: Tell the truth more loudly than ever before. Do that work even as our standard modes of distribution (such as social media platforms) are being manipulated and curtailed by forces of fascist repression and ruthless capitalism. Do that work even as journalism and journalists face targeted attacks, including from the government itself. And do that work in community, never forgetting that we’re not shouting into a faceless void – we’re reaching out to real people amid a life-threatening political climate.

Our task is formidable, and it requires us to ground ourselves in our principles, remind ourselves of our utility, dig in and commit.

As a dizzying number of corporate news organizations – either through need or greed – rush to implement new ways to further monetize their content, and others acquiesce to Trump’s wishes, now is a time for movement media-makers to double down on community-first models.

At Truthout, we are reaffirming our commitments on this front: We won’t run ads or have a paywall because we believe that everyone should have access to information, and that access should exist without barriers and free of distractions from craven corporate interests. We recognize the implications for democracy when information-seekers click a link only to find the article trapped behind a paywall or buried on a page with dozens of invasive ads. The laws of capitalism dictate an unending increase in monetization, and much of the media simply follows those laws. Truthout and many of our peers are dedicating ourselves to following other paths – a commitment which feels vital in a moment when corporations are evermore overtly embedded in government.

Over 80 percent of Truthout‘s funding comes from small individual donations from our community of readers, and the remaining 20 percent comes from a handful of social justice-oriented foundations. Over a third of our total budget is supported by recurring monthly donors, many of whom give because they want to help us keep Truthout barrier-free for everyone.

You can help by giving today. Whether you can make a small monthly donation or a larger gift, Truthout only works with your support.