In 1976, conservative Congressman Henry Hyde of Illinois introduced a bill that would ban the use of federal funding for abortion expenses except in instances of rape, incest or danger to the life of the mother.
Today, the Hyde Amendment, which has been added as a rider to federal budget appropriation bills since 1977, prohibits abortion coverage for approximately 74 million Medicaid recipients.
It also prohibits the federal government from covering abortion in health programs for federal employees, federal prisoners, those who rely on Indian Health Services, active military members and veterans, among others.
I’m a social work health scholar who studies vulnerable people’s access to reproductive health care. Now that the Hyde amendment has become a focus for some candidates in the 2020 presidential election, I believe it’s important to understand who it affects and how it can be repealed.
Hyde Hurts Young People of Color
At the amendment’s inception, Henry Hyde noted his inability to restrict abortion for everyone and said he would have to settle for impeding access for poor women.
In its current form, the amendment primarily affects poor people, people of color and those who are young.
As the Kaiser Foundation indicates, women of color have higher rates of unintended pregnancy compared with white women. This likely results from difficulty accessing preventive health care.
In fact, the majority of those who have abortions in the U.S. are adolescents and young adults with limited financial resources.
My own research shows that adolescents in a sample of people who could not afford abortions were more likely to identify as black or African American, compared with adults in the same sample.
So, does the amendment prevent abortions, as Sen. Hyde intended it to do? It’s hard to say, because we have no data showing how many people who are served by federal health programs get abortions without using their insurance.
However, the Guttmacher Institute estimates that between 18% and 37% of Medicaid recipients who carried unwanted pregnancies to term did so due to an inability to pay for desired abortions.
Abortion opponents view this as evidence of Hyde’s success, but research indicates that there are varied and serious public health impacts for those who are denied abortion and for their children. These include poverty, greater reliance on public assistance programs and child development delays.
The Hyde Amendment’s Impact
My research highlights the ways Hyde disproportionately affects marginalized populations that have the most difficulty affording abortion.
Abortion funds are organizations that provide financial assistance to help pay for abortions. My research indicates that the majority of people assisted by these organizations are young people of color who are already parenting at least one child.
Some states, such as New York and California, use their own funds to go around the Hyde requirements and include abortion services for Medicaid recipients. Unsurprisingly, I found that people who received private financial assistance to help with abortion costs were more likely to live in states that had not expanded their Medicaid programs to cover abortions.
Bipartisan Appeal
Hyde has survived for more than 40 years because historically there has been bipartisan support for the amendment in Congress, and there is certainly not a road to repeal when Republicans hold a majority in the Senate.
That said, eliminating Hyde is straightforward. Because the amendment is added as a rider to the budget appropriation each year, all that’s required is to vote for lawmakers who will end this practice. Moving forward, that would permit abortion coverage in federal health programs.
Some officials are taking an active approach to repeal. For example, Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez introduced a petition to repeal the amendment. In March, several Democrats reintroduced the Equal Access to Abortion Coverage in Health Insurance Act, which would allow federal insurance programs to cover abortion.
While a slight majority of Americans polled support requirements for insurance to cover abortion, the majority also oppose public funding for abortion. This suggests that the voters may not understand that public funding of abortion is necessary for abortion to be covered by all insurance plans.
Note: Gretchen E. Ely has previously received funding from the Society of Family Planning and inroads: the International Network for the Reduction of Abortion Discrimination and Stigma.
We’re not backing down in the face of Trump’s threats.
As Donald Trump is inaugurated a second time, independent media organizations are faced with urgent mandates: Tell the truth more loudly than ever before. Do that work even as our standard modes of distribution (such as social media platforms) are being manipulated and curtailed by forces of fascist repression and ruthless capitalism. Do that work even as journalism and journalists face targeted attacks, including from the government itself. And do that work in community, never forgetting that we’re not shouting into a faceless void – we’re reaching out to real people amid a life-threatening political climate.
Our task is formidable, and it requires us to ground ourselves in our principles, remind ourselves of our utility, dig in and commit.
As a dizzying number of corporate news organizations – either through need or greed – rush to implement new ways to further monetize their content, and others acquiesce to Trump’s wishes, now is a time for movement media-makers to double down on community-first models.
At Truthout, we are reaffirming our commitments on this front: We won’t run ads or have a paywall because we believe that everyone should have access to information, and that access should exist without barriers and free of distractions from craven corporate interests. We recognize the implications for democracy when information-seekers click a link only to find the article trapped behind a paywall or buried on a page with dozens of invasive ads. The laws of capitalism dictate an unending increase in monetization, and much of the media simply follows those laws. Truthout and many of our peers are dedicating ourselves to following other paths – a commitment which feels vital in a moment when corporations are evermore overtly embedded in government.
Over 80 percent of Truthout‘s funding comes from small individual donations from our community of readers, and the remaining 20 percent comes from a handful of social justice-oriented foundations. Over a third of our total budget is supported by recurring monthly donors, many of whom give because they want to help us keep Truthout barrier-free for everyone.
You can help by giving today during our fundraiser. We have 72 hours to add 273 new monthly donors. Whether you can make a small monthly donation or a larger gift, Truthout only works with your support.