A well regulated militia, being necessary to the security of a free State, the right of the people to keep and bear arms, shall not be infringed.
United States Constitution
On January 12, thirty thousand people attended a memorial service for the seven victims of the Tucson massacre.
Thirty thousand: that’s about the same number of Americans who died in 2006 from gunshot wounds. Almost one hundred every day.
That is a statistic that stands alone among the civilized nations of the world. The Brady Campaign reports that the annual gun homicides in Finland were 17, in Australia 35, in England and Wales 39, in Spain 60, in Germany 194, in Canada 200, and in the United States 9484. This means that homicides amounted to almost one third of gun deaths in the United States.
But the “multiple causes” approach can itself be an oversimplification, for it evokes a mind-picture of separate legs holding up a table. This view suggests that each of the “multiple causes” is independent and discrete. But surely that is not the case. These several “causes” (in the social science jargon, “contributing factors”) constitute a web of intricately interacting “causes,” aptly described as “the culture of violence.” Thus media depiction of violence fosters a fascination with and a collection of firearms, and thence an absorption with violent video games, etc. (or vice versa – these “causes” are, after all, reciprocating). Attempts to solve “the gun violence problem” by attacking just one “cause” (such as gun ownership) is as useless as an attempt to kill a tree by cutting off one branch.
This fallacy is heard in the remark, “millions of kids play video games and watch violent TV and movies, but they don't all go on shooting rampages.” In this we hear echoes from the tobacco industry: “millions of people smoke, but most of them don't get lung cancer. Ergo, smoking does not cause lung cancer.” But smoking was never claimed to be the sole and certain cause of lung cancer. Instead, it is claimed (now with conclusive scientific evidence) to be a contributing and aggravating factor in carcinogenesis. Statistics tell the story, as we compare mortality figures for smokers and non-smokers. Similarly, while the vast majority of young people who play computer games or watch “slasher movies” admittedly do not commit homicides, this fact in no way discounts the possibility that some murders may be “triggered” by immersion in violent media. At the very least, that possibility deserves careful study, and I am told that such studies are very disquieting.
Proof-Positive or None.
This sophistical device has been also been prominent in the apologetics of the tobacco industry. About the time of the first Surgeon General's report on Smoking and Health (in 1963), we read such dismissals as “nobody has ever shown anything conclusive about cigarettes and health – lung cancer and all that. It just hasn't been proved.” And “there is no proof – no established proof – of cigarettes being harmful.” (Thomas Whiteside's “A Cloud of Smoke” in The New Yorker, November 30, 1960). Closer examination shows that such dismissals rest upon an alleged failure to discover a “definitive causal connection between tobacco smoke and cancer.” However, as David Hume argued in the eighteenth century, and as philosophers of science have since then generally concurred, “definitive causal connections” are not “observed” as such, they are inferred from the “constant conjunction” of events. Scientific “proof” is not only probabilistic (i.e., “a matter of degree”), in addition valid scientific hypotheses must be “falsifiable in principle” – i.e., the proponent of the hypothesis must be prepared to describe “what it would be like” (contrary to fact) for the hypothesis to be false. It is unlikely that “hired gun” debunkers in either the tobacco or the firearms industries are prepared to tell us what sort of “proof” might convince them that their products are, in fact, public menaces. (See my “Cigarettes, Sophistry and David Hume.”)
A lack of “established,” “conclusive” or “positive” proof does not amount to no proof at all. In both scientific practice and in practical life, we are best guided by probabilities. We buckle our seat belts, exercise regularly, avoid drug abuse, in the reasonable but less-than-certain belief that such precautions are warranted. And if the purveyors of the instruments and depictions of violence correctly point out that there is no certain evidence that their products promote mayhem, strong, albeit less than perfect evidence should suffice to justify a curtailing of their activities.
Fallacy and the Subversion of Public Debate.
As the above (very partial) list of sophistries indicates, the rhetorical armament of commercial apologists is vast, subtle, and often ingenious. There are few public issues that can not be argued with apparently plausible arguments on both sides. Even with seemingly scientific issues such as global warming, biodiversity, pesticide use, and now the “causes” of gun violence, the targeted industries are routinely capable of producing “expert scientific” rebuttal witnesses. Thus the public comes to believe, as one wit put it, that in the arena of public debate, “for every PhD there is an equal and opposite PhD.” It doesn't take much logical acumen to understand that if all sides to an issue can be equally well supported, then no side can be supported. The coin of “expertise” and “evidence” is thus debased. Public debate becomes, as G. W. F. Hegel put it, “a night in which all cows are black.”
Eventually, much of the public comes to believe that there are no facts, only “beliefs;” no evidence or proof, only “persuasion.” Rational political debate is replaced by “public relations.” According to some trendy scholars, expertise is to be regarded as “oppression,” and science itself demoted to merely another (white-western-male) “social construct.”Enter the “post-modernists.” Appropriate responses to global emergencies such as climate change and mass extinction are thus postponed indefinitely, until long after it is too late.
If there is to be no place in the “post-modern” world for critical scholarship and science, and thence for effective public policy derived therefrom, then in that world there will be many more Tucson tragedies, catastrophic weather events, ecological disasters, economic chaos, and much more, as shared community concerns fade into insignificance in the arena of competing private and commercial interests. Not a happy prospect.
Unless, Unless — we come to our communal senses and appreciate that not all arguments are created equal; that there are objectively better (cogent) and worse (fallacious) modes of argumentation, and that a recognition of these modes of thinking can be taught to all ages. In particular, science teaching should include an understanding, not only of the content but also of the methodology and logic of science, so that a student, and eventually a public, can understand why there are good reasons to believe in astronomy, and no justification for believing in astrology, and why the warnings of government atmospheric scientists should carry more weight than the reassurances of the hired guns of the energy conglomerates. “Current events” discussions in high school and undergraduate college classes should cease to be mere sequences of “I believe thats,” each regarded as “equally precious” and “true-for” the student. Instead, student utterances of “belief” should be followed immediately by the challenge, “why should we believe you? What is your evidence and your argument?” Class discussions should become disciplined exercises in critical expression, defense and rebuttal, all with an aim, not to persuade, but to discover confirmable truths.
Alas, there are precious few teachers trained to lead such discussions, and fewer still being taught such skills in the Schools of Education. The results have been alarming, to say the least. Sara Rimer of The Hechinger Report(Teachers College, Columbia University) writes:
An unprecedented study that followed several thousand undergraduates through four years of college found that large numbers didn't learn the critical thinking, complex reasoning and written communication skills that are widely assumed to be at the core of a college education.
Many of the students graduated without knowing how to sift fact from opinion, make a clear written argument or objectively review conflicting reports of a situation or event, according to New York University sociologist Richard Arum, lead author of the study….
Forty-five percent of students made no significant improvement in their critical thinking, reasoning or writing skills during the first two years of college, according to the study. After four years, 36 percent showed no significant gains in these so-called “higher order” thinking skills.
A reversal of this dismal situation will require a renewed commitment to public intelligence and reasonableness whereby we may learn and appreciate once again that there are discoverable causes of and effective remedies for our social problems.
We hear a great deal these days about “teaching morality in the public schools.” Perhaps we should. But even before that, perhaps we should start with a investment in the teaching of “critical thinking.”
What is to be done?
Those of us who were alive and alert during the sixties, who lived through the Kennedy and King assassinations and the urban riots of that decade, have repeatedly experienced the same dreary sequence which follows each prominent assassination or mass murder: public outrage and grief, demand for action, apologetics from the media and the NRA, “outrage fatigue,” and finally a return to status quo ante – until the next atrocity. There is little indication that the aftermath of the Tucson incident will be at all different.
However, as some wise person once commented, hopeless causes are by far the most interesting: such “hopeless causes” as the non-violent overthrow of the British Raj in India, of Apartheid in South Africa, of legal segregation in the American south, and of Soviet communism. As the great Russian dissident, Andrei Sakharov, reflected:
There is a need to create ideals even when you can’t see any route by which to achieve them, because if there are no ideals then there can be no hope and then one would be completely in the dark, in a hopeless blind alley.
We begin by acknowledging the brutal facts. As the Sixties civil rights leader Stokely Carmichael remarked, “violence is as American as apple pie.” He was right. The culture of violence is woven into the fabric of our society, continually nourished by the profit motive, and defended by the virtuoso skills of corporate public relations. And as we noted above, the “usual suspects” trotted out after each new horror – the NRA, the arms industry, computers (games and internet), the media (cinema and television), absentee parents – are not independent “causes” of youthful violence, they are dynamically interacting and reinforcing factors in that “culture of violence.”
And as the statistics cited above clearly indicate, the consequences of that “culture of violence” are palpable.
The official response to the Tucson shootings has been profoundly discouraging. Comments such as “this is a terrible tragedy” are utterly uninstructive: we already know that, and need not be told again. Any proposals, from the President on down, that follow “let us all resolve to ….” are likely to be useless and unproductive hand-waving. We hunger for the bread of decisive and practical leadership, and are given stones of empty rhetoric.
The culture of violence will have to be attacked on many fronts, and at the roots. Firearms registration and control is not the answer – but it is an essential ingredient of the answer. Neither are restrictions and regulations of the internet, computer games or the media, enacted separately, the answer — by themselves. But they are ingredients of the answer. On the other hand, voluntary restraints by the commercial media are unlikely to count for much, as recent history has amply proven. We've heard it all before: “If we don't portray violence, someone else will, and if that's what the public wants, our reward for moral restraint will only lead to our bankruptcy.” As William Vanderbilt said, “The public be damned, I work for my stockholders!” “The invisible hand” of the free market, it seems, is without conscience. Proof? Again, look to recent history.
History also indicates solutions. Let the law (i.e. government) enforce upon all, what the conscientious businessman would enact for his firm “if it weren't for what my competitors would do to me.” Garrett Hardin calls this “mutual coercion mutually agreed upon.” “Government interference?” Of course! But such “interference” took opium out of our drugs and pollutants out of our air, lakes and rivers. “Government interference” also requires that no medicines be prescribed unless proven safe and effective, protects us from tainted food, and protects our life savings from bank failures. Not very long ago, only the radical right and a few hard-shelled libertarians would suggest that we abolish the Food and Drug Administration, the Environmental Protection Agency, or the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation. Now, to our great sorrow and peril, we find that those radicals are apparently in control of the Republican Party and the House of Representatives. So we must argue anew in defense of regulations designed to protect the minds and morals our youth and the very lives of our citizens.
Talk is cheap. It remains to be seen if we are sufficiently outraged by “the culture of violence” to be actually willing to pay for long-term remedies.
As I have argued above, “the culture of violence” does not have a single cause, and thus does not have a single remedy. But if asked to identify, in descending order of significance, the root causes, I would begin with this: depersonalization. We live in a society that reduces persons to “personnel” in corporate structures, to “consumers” and “utility maximizers” in our economy, and to targets in our media. . To the Columbine killers, Harris and Klebold, their fellow students were no more “persons” than the video images in “Doom” or the cinema images in “The Basketball Diaries.” It all comes down to this: a deranged individual is capable of shooting at human-flesh-as-object. However, except in such desperate circumstances as warfare or self-defense, or in cases of extreme stress, few individuals can shoot to kill someone recognized as a fellow personal human being.
The core of morality in the great world religions, and in the secular “contractarian” ethics that I espouse and defend is empathy and compassion: the recognition in the other of the humanity and personhood that one cherishes in oneself. This is the essential message of the golden rule. Conversely, as the psychologist in the movie “Nuremberg” concluded, after interviewing the Nazi criminals, “lack of empathy [is] the one characteristic that connects all the defendants: a genuine incapacity to feel with their fellow man. Evil, I think, is the absence of empathy.” (The quotation accurately conveys the conclusions of the historical investigator, Dr. Gustav Gilbert). Thus it is that in modern society, thoughtless economic “happenstance” (“the invisible hand”) erodes the humanity of others until one finds oneself surrounded by humanoid “objects.” Accordingly, “banksters” and billionaires, with the purchased support and assistance of their political and media patrons enablers, loot our governments and deprive millions of our citizens of their homes, their livelihoods and their health. These plutocrats do all this heedless of the misery that they are causing in their seemingly limitless demand for more, still more, personal wealth.
This evil, issuing from the privation of empathy, must be thoughtfully resisted and reversed – in our personal lives (“let us resolve to…”) but also through rigorous research, through public investment, through education, and through a collective demonstration of public outrage such as we are seeing today in Madison.