Skip to content Skip to footer
|

With AIPAC’s Power in Doubt, Is Peace With Israel Now Possible?

If AIPAC can lose on Syria and lose on Iran, could it also lose on Israel-Palestine?

AIPAC.(Photo: Reuben Ingber / Flickr)President Obama has raised questions about the effectiveness of AIPAC’s tactics and even its role as the unchallenged voice of the pro-Israel lobby in Washington. If AIPAC can lose on Syria and lose on Iran, could it also lose on Israel-Palestine?

On February 3, 2014, The New York Times ran an article that would have been hard to imagine just a few years ago. Under the headline “Potent Pro-Israel Group Finds Its Momentum Blunted,” The Times‘ Mark Landler reported that the American Israel Public Affairs Committee’s top legislative priority, a Senate bill to cripple US diplomacy with Iran, had stalled after stiff resistance from President Obama, J Street and mobilized public opinion deeply wary of efforts to gin up another Middle East war. Landler concluded from this political development that the reach of AIPAC’s political power, long an unquestioned assumption in Washington, is now in doubt.

In doing so, the president has raised questions about the effectiveness of AIPAC’s tactics and even its role as the unchallenged voice of the pro-Israel lobby in Washington.

Landler reported that 70 House Democrats have backed a letter supporting Obama’s diplomacy with Iran (you can urge your representative to join that effort here) and that former Secretary of State Hillary Clinton also has strongly backed Obama’s Iran diplomacy and opposed AIPAC’s efforts to undermine it.

Strikingly, The Times cited Sen. Christopher Murphy, a Democrat from Connecticut, as embodying a trend of lawmakers who are “not worried about bucking AIPAC.” Indeed, Murphy has gone so far as to co-sponsor a petition with MoveOn calling on the Senate to reject AIPAC’s position.

Lander noted that AIPAC’s problems “go beyond Iran,” citing AIPAC’s failed push for war in Syria:

In September, it threw an army of lobbyists behind an effort to win a congressional mandate for Mr. Obama’s threatened military strike on Syria. Facing certain failure in Congress, the president pulled the plug on the effort.

If AIPAC can lose on Syria and lose on Iran, this raises a spectacular question: Could AIPAC also lose on Israel-Palestine?

Secretary of State John Kerry recently infuriated Israeli officials by making the following statement at the Munich Security Conference about threats to boycott, sanction and divest from the Israeli occupation:

Today’s status quo absolutely, to a certainty, I promise you 100 percent, cannot be maintained. It’s not sustainable. It’s illusionary. … You see for Israel, there’s an increasing delegitimization campaign that has been building up. People are very sensitive to it. There are talks of boycotts and other kinds of things.

What Kerry said about “boycott” has become the new normal for the Obama administration and many liberal American Jews who support the two-state solution. The rap goes roughly like this: “Personally, we, the ‘good cop,’ oppose boycotting the Israeli occupation. But if the Israeli government won’t cooperate with US peace efforts, then we won’t be able to stop those ‘bad cop’ boycott people from increasing the Israeli government’s international isolation.” This drives the AIPAC supporters, to whom the idea of any pressure whatsoever on the Israeli government to comply with US policy is totally anathema, absolutely wild. But it’s hard to see what they can really do about it besides helplessly complain.

The administration and its supporters are just saying that the sky is blue. Is AIPAC going to demand that Congress make the administration do more to stop people from boycotting the Israeli occupation? It’s one thing to insist that the US government mustn’t apply any pressure on the Israeli government to comply with US policy. It would be quite another thing to demand that the Congress require the administration to apply more pressure on other governments and institutions to stop them from applying pressure on the Israeli government to comply with US policy. Who could call for that with a straight face?

Speaking as one of the “bad cops,” I find the rap of the “anti-boycott” good cops kind of funny, in a good way. The official policy of the “good cops” is to denounce me and my friends. But the more we succeed in our efforts, the stronger their case. I guess, in this instance, denunciation is the sincerest form of flattery.

Truthout Is Preparing to Meet Trump’s Agenda With Resistance at Every Turn

Dear Truthout Community,

If you feel rage, despondency, confusion and deep fear today, you are not alone. We’re feeling it too. We are heartsick. Facing down Trump’s fascist agenda, we are desperately worried about the most vulnerable people among us, including our loved ones and everyone in the Truthout community, and our minds are racing a million miles a minute to try to map out all that needs to be done.

We must give ourselves space to grieve and feel our fear, feel our rage, and keep in the forefront of our mind the stark truth that millions of real human lives are on the line. And simultaneously, we’ve got to get to work, take stock of our resources, and prepare to throw ourselves full force into the movement.

Journalism is a linchpin of that movement. Even as we are reeling, we’re summoning up all the energy we can to face down what’s coming, because we know that one of the sharpest weapons against fascism is publishing the truth.

There are many terrifying planks to the Trump agenda, and we plan to devote ourselves to reporting thoroughly on each one and, crucially, covering the movements resisting them. We also recognize that Trump is a dire threat to journalism itself, and that we must take this seriously from the outset.

After the election, the four of us sat down to have some hard but necessary conversations about Truthout under a Trump presidency. How would we defend our publication from an avalanche of far right lawsuits that seek to bankrupt us? How would we keep our reporters safe if they need to cover outbreaks of political violence, or if they are targeted by authorities? How will we urgently produce the practical analysis, tools and movement coverage that you need right now — breaking through our normal routines to meet a terrifying moment in ways that best serve you?

It will be a tough, scary four years to produce social justice-driven journalism. We need to deliver news, strategy, liberatory ideas, tools and movement-sparking solutions with a force that we never have had to before. And at the same time, we desperately need to protect our ability to do so.

We know this is such a painful moment and donations may understandably be the last thing on your mind. But we must ask for your support, which is needed in a new and urgent way.

We promise we will kick into an even higher gear to give you truthful news that cuts against the disinformation and vitriol and hate and violence. We promise to publish analyses that will serve the needs of the movements we all rely on to survive the next four years, and even build for the future. We promise to be responsive, to recognize you as members of our community with a vital stake and voice in this work.

Please dig deep if you can, but a donation of any amount will be a truly meaningful and tangible action in this cataclysmic historical moment.

We’re with you. Let’s do all we can to move forward together.

With love, rage, and solidarity,

Maya, Negin, Saima, and Ziggy