Several of the GOP’s Most Fiercely Anti-Trans Candidates Lost Their Elections

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Communities Beyond Elections

It’s been a strange month for transgender political activists in the U.S., as the nation has witnessed a presidential election result with potentially dire consequences for trans rights, but also a number of surprising and historic political wins, including the election of the first-ever openly transgender member of Congress, Democrat Sarah McBride in Delaware.

While much of the focus has been on the presidential pick, the down-ballot election results tell a story of a country that is deeply divided over gender issues — and not at all persuaded by the relentless anti-trans fearmongering employed during this election cycle. Republicans spent nearly $215 million on anti-trans television ads during the 2024 election, which Truthout reports amounts to about $134 per trans person in the country. Their campaign platforms included a disproportionate focus on a number of issues most voters don’t care much about: banning LGBTQ books in schools, keeping trans women and girls from playing sports, and restricting trans people’s access to necessary health care.

The excessive spending on scapegoating trans people did not have its intended effect — in spite of Donald Trump’s win at the national level, many states and localities held off victories for those who have focused their energy on targeting this tiny minority group.

In North Carolina, statewide races showed an electorate that is not interested in uber-conservative anti-trans leadership at the state level. Although Trump took the state, it also squarely turned down virulent anti-trans candidate Mark Robinson for governor (Robinson had both campaigned on anti-trans political stances and been revealed to be a fan of online trans pornography), choosing to elect Democrat Josh Stein, the state’s previous attorney general. The North Carolina attorney general’s seat was taken over by another Democrat who has defended trans rights, Jeff Jackson; he won handily over Republican U.S. Rep. Dan Bishop, the sponsor of the original “bathroom bill” that led to nationwide protests in 2016. Bishop’s agenda included banning gender-affirming care.

In New York, voters passed a statewide ballot initiative that amends the state constitution to protect New Yorkers from discrimination on the basis of gender identity or pregnancy status, which Democrats hoped would increase turnout from voters who wish to protect abortion rights and trans people.

These losses signal a continuing situation of mixed results for Trumpism — it seems Trump himself can win in places where bigoted Trump acolytes cannot.

Although Republicans gained ground in the U.S. Senate, several of their most fiercely anti-trans candidates did not fare well. In Arizona, radical right-wing Senate candidate Kari Lake lost to Democrat Ruben Gallego, and Michigan candidate for U.S. Senate Mike Rogers, who also campaigned on anti-abortion and anti-LGBTQ policies, lost narrowly to Democrat Elissa Slotkin. Wisconsin reelected Democratic Sen. Tammy Baldwin after her opponent attacked her on trans issues, and Nevada’s Democratic incumbent Jacky Rosen defeated Sam Brown, whose campaign centered around condemning queer and trans rights.

Public schooling has been a major focus for Republicans who wish to make it more difficult for transgender youth to access information and support for their physical and mental health. In Florida, anti-trans candidates won seats on school boards in Clay, Brevard, Lee, Miami-Dade and Volusia Counties, but lost in Hernando and Pinellas Counties. In Rochester, Michigan, a slate of anti-trans “parents’ rights” candidates was held back by a group of mostly incumbents promising to protect public education.

North Carolina also rejected right-wing activist Michele Morrow for state superintendent of schools, and the state’s largest school district, Wake County, rejected a slate of Moms for Liberty candidates in favor of sitting Democratic incumbents on the school board. Morrow will now seek a job in the Trump administration.

These losses for some of the fiercest anti-trans advocates signal a continuing situation of mixed results for Trumpism — it seems Trump himself can win in places where bigoted Trump acolytes cannot.

In an election season with a historic number of LGBTQ candidates on ballots nationwide, the vast majority of these won their races, including at least 34 openly transgender candidates.

Meanwhile, trans and queer people continue to make inroads as politicians themselves; in an election season with a historic number of LGBTQ candidates on ballots nationwide, the vast majority of these won their races, including at least 34 openly transgender candidates. Trans candidates had historic wins in county and state government in Kentucky, Minnesota and Montana, among other places.

The fringe anti-trans views that Republican campaigners have been attempting to mainstream are not particularly popular. Even after years of excessive spending and Republican campaigning on anti-trans platforms, a 2024 poll found a majority of Americans (67 percent) said they support transgender people living as they wish. Polling conducted in October also found a vast majority of voters wished candidates would focus less on transgender issues, and majorities also believed Republicans’ anti-trans campaign rhetoric was “sad,” “shameful” and “mean-spirited.”

Even though it was not a broadly effective election strategy, the anti-trans tenor of this election season, and the prospect of another Trump presidency, has filled trans communities with fear and dread. The Associated Press is reporting that trans youth have been “flooding” crisis hotlines since Election Day. And indeed, while many policies affecting bodily autonomy and education are still being decided at the state and local level, Trump’s leadership sets the tone. However, this election should show that progressives who campaign on a pro-trans platform can still win, even — or maybe especially — when their opponents depend on fear and bigotry.