Skip to content Skip to footer

Married to Organized Labor

Union organizers, like Rose Schneiderman, not only understood the vital importance of organizing labor in challenging increasing economic disparity, but they did so in an era of union-corporate wars. Labor organizers literally laid their lives on the line by challenging anti-union hysteria and a antagonistic government. Organizers were shadowed and spied on, intimidated and beaten, ambushed and shot at, kidnapped and tortured and left for dead, and sometimes assassinated. Monopolists and their company guards, along with sheriffs, detectives, state militias and even federal troops targeted labor leaders.

Union organizers, like Rose Schneiderman, not only understood the vital importance of organizing labor in challenging increasing economic disparity, but they did so in an era of union-corporate wars. Labor organizers literally laid their lives on the line by challenging anti-union hysteria and a antagonistic government. Organizers were shadowed and spied on, intimidated and beaten, ambushed and shot at, kidnapped and tortured and left for dead, and sometimes assassinated. Monopolists and their company guards, along with sheriffs, detectives, state militias and even federal troops targeted labor leaders.

At age 15 while working as a seamstress, Schneiderman learned that “no matter how just…unless the cause is backed up with power to enforce it, it is going to be crushed and annihilated.”(1) She soon grew tired of hardships, like the necessity of owning and repairing her own sewing machine while having to buy thread, and of abusive and incompetent managers that caused hostile environments.(2) She even experienced enmity among unions fearing competition while upholding gender biases. She proved female employees could organize and fight monopolists as strenuously as men could.

After having witnessed a woman complain to a manager who told her she was free to take herself and her machine and go somewhere else where things would be just as bad or perhaps worse, Schneiderman realized that it might be possible to have such abuses corrected if they first formed a group and then aired their grievances. She spent months waiting at the doors of factories and, as the girls were leaving for the day, approaching them and speaking about the hardships and how they could be changed though the power of organizing. Schneiderman gathered enough pledges of members for an active union.

Because of her trade union activism, Schneiderman’s mother resented her, especially since she was so busy and for being out of the house engaged in social causes almost every evening. Her mother constantly warned that she would never get married because she was so busy – a prophecy which came true. But for Schneiderman, it was the beginning of a period that molded her subsequent life and opened wide many doors that might otherwise have remained closed. The trade union eventually won an increase in wages, improved working conditions, and ended some forms of sexual discrimination.

Since Schneiderman’s marriage (metaphorically speaking) to organized labor began in 1899, a time of when only two percent of women belonged to unions, she helped establish a precedent for future labor leaders. And even though she helped organize and direct a myriad of unions and boards, like the United Cloth Hat and Cap Mailers of North America, the Women’s Trade League, the International Ladies Garment Workers Union, the New York State Department of Labor, and the Brookwood Labor College Board, she never forgot the importance of, and creative forces surrounding, “labor” and “work.”

Schneiderman always reminded others that labor was “effort” in expending the creation of goods or providing services, and that work was an investment of time, talents, physical strengths and ideas. Therefore, it was an act that not only benefited the worker ,but also the entire community, including owners and consumers. She placed a high value on all types of work and hoped to reform how work was rewarded. As the only woman-appointee to the Labor Advisory Board of the 1933 National Industrial Recovery Act, she actively pressed for a fair and living wage for all American workers.

Along with organizing laborers for a just and living wage, Schneiderman never forgot that all work should be appreciated and highly esteemed. She fought the “real and grave evils” of economic exploitation, ones that alienated and dehumanized workers and the value of their labor. She helped regulate the “tyranny of the wealthy and wealth” by confronting monopolists and monopolies and their “predatory” decisions and behaviors. She even recognized the “unreasonableness” of amassing capital and economic powers, and how it could be excessively harmful towards the public’s interest and good.

The term “economy” arises from the Greek word “household.” It refers to a family unit and mutual feelings of trust and respect. Much of life consists of unions, like friendships and marriages, religious and civic groups, states and nations, even corporate mergers. From the beginning of her employment, Schneiderman devoted her life to the value of work and to organizing laborers. In trying to reverse the half-paid toil of workers, while challenging corporate profiteers who seized unfair shares of their laborers services and productivity, she grasped the worth of unions and the interconnectedness of workers.

Can the same be said today as workers commemorate Labor Day? In a new age of union-corporate wars and worker-bashing, where heroes are virtual celebrities instead of like Schneiderman, and where there is no need for company guards since workers have internalized extreme competition, excessive isolation and corporate divisionary tactics, perhaps it is time for laborers to literally renew their vows to unions and organized labor and, above all, too other workers. A good place to start would be supporting those who are currently striking in the fast-food and service industries.

Truthout Is Preparing to Meet Trump’s Agenda With Resistance at Every Turn

Dear Truthout Community,

If you feel rage, despondency, confusion and deep fear today, you are not alone. We’re feeling it too. We are heartsick. Facing down Trump’s fascist agenda, we are desperately worried about the most vulnerable people among us, including our loved ones and everyone in the Truthout community, and our minds are racing a million miles a minute to try to map out all that needs to be done.

We must give ourselves space to grieve and feel our fear, feel our rage, and keep in the forefront of our mind the stark truth that millions of real human lives are on the line. And simultaneously, we’ve got to get to work, take stock of our resources, and prepare to throw ourselves full force into the movement.

Journalism is a linchpin of that movement. Even as we are reeling, we’re summoning up all the energy we can to face down what’s coming, because we know that one of the sharpest weapons against fascism is publishing the truth.

There are many terrifying planks to the Trump agenda, and we plan to devote ourselves to reporting thoroughly on each one and, crucially, covering the movements resisting them. We also recognize that Trump is a dire threat to journalism itself, and that we must take this seriously from the outset.

After the election, the four of us sat down to have some hard but necessary conversations about Truthout under a Trump presidency. How would we defend our publication from an avalanche of far right lawsuits that seek to bankrupt us? How would we keep our reporters safe if they need to cover outbreaks of political violence, or if they are targeted by authorities? How will we urgently produce the practical analysis, tools and movement coverage that you need right now — breaking through our normal routines to meet a terrifying moment in ways that best serve you?

It will be a tough, scary four years to produce social justice-driven journalism. We need to deliver news, strategy, liberatory ideas, tools and movement-sparking solutions with a force that we never have had to before. And at the same time, we desperately need to protect our ability to do so.

We know this is such a painful moment and donations may understandably be the last thing on your mind. But we must ask for your support, which is needed in a new and urgent way.

We promise we will kick into an even higher gear to give you truthful news that cuts against the disinformation and vitriol and hate and violence. We promise to publish analyses that will serve the needs of the movements we all rely on to survive the next four years, and even build for the future. We promise to be responsive, to recognize you as members of our community with a vital stake and voice in this work.

Please dig deep if you can, but a donation of any amount will be a truly meaningful and tangible action in this cataclysmic historical moment.

We’re with you. Let’s do all we can to move forward together.

With love, rage, and solidarity,

Maya, Negin, Saima, and Ziggy