Skip to content Skip to footer
|

How Democrats in the South Will Rise Again

While the demise of the “Southern Democrat” may be historic, it doesn’t have to be permanent.

The Democratic Party needs to reflect on Sen. Landrieu's loss Saturday and learn from it, says Thom Hartmann. (Photo: Senate Democrats / Flickr)

The “Southern Democrat” is dying, but it’s not dead yet.

On Saturday, things got even worse for the Democratic Party.

As many expected, Louisiana Sen. Mary Landrieu lost in a runoff race to Republican challenger Rep. Bill Cassidy.

To make matters worse, it wasn’t even close. With almost all votes tallied, as of earlier today, Cassidy was beating Landrieu by 14 percent of the vote.

See more news and opinion from Thom Hartmann at Truthout here.

Landrieu’s loss isn’t just another defeat for the Democratic Party. It’s an historic defeat.

That’s because Landrieu’s Senate seat hasn’t been held by a Republican since 1883, some 132 years ago.

And, Landrieu’s loss also signifies the nearly complete swing in party control in the South.

As The New York Times points out, between 1930 and the early 1960s, nearly 100 percent of governors’ mansions, senators’ seats and state legislatures in the South outside of Florida and Virginia were controlled by Democrats.

However, since then, slowly but surely, Republicans have been picking up state and national seats throughout the South.

Now, the complete takeover of the South by the Republican Party is nearly complete.

As Nate Cohn writes over at The New York Times, “In a region stretching from the high plains of Texas to the Atlantic coast of the Carolinas, Republicans control not only every Senate seat, but every governor’s mansion and every state legislative body.”

So, why is this shift happening?

Well, as Cohn writes, “The dramatic decline of the Southern Democrats represents the culmination of a half-century of political realignment along racial and cultural lines … The shift has contributed to the polarization of national politics by replacing conservative Democrats, who often voted across party lines, with conservative Republicans who do not.”

But, despite all of the doom and gloom surrounding Landrieu’s loss and the demise of the Democratic Party in the South, all is not lost just yet.

The “Southern Democrat” can rise again.

In a speech given at the National Press Club last month, Sen. Chuck Schumer suggested that a little bit populism might be good for the Democratic Party.

He argued that by taking more of a populist approach, Democrats can reach and appeal to Americans outside of the party’s typical comfort zone, and that includes the South.

Now, many are quick to suggest that, based on the current political climate in the South, a populist approach would never be successful there.

But, the results of this past election seem to paint a very different picture.

In fact, one of the biggest takeaways overall from the 2014 midterms is that, nationally, progressive ideas and policies are very popular.

All across the US, progressive ballot initiatives won and they won big.

For example, in the very red Arkansas, voters approved a measure to raise that state’s minimum wage by a nearly 2-1 margin.

And, in other traditionally red states like Alaska and Nebraska, minimum wage increases also passed by fairly large margins.

For even more proof of how successful a populist approach in the South can be, look at the life and career of Huey Long.

Long served as the 40th Governor of Louisiana from 1928 to 1932, and was a US Senator from 1932 until he was assassinated in 1935.

Long was also a Democrat and populist, who routinely slammed the wealthy elite, corporations and big banks, and who called for a “Share the Wealth” program.

Long’s “Share the Wealth” program proposed wealth redistribution measures, like a net asset tax on corporations and the wealthy elite, and also called for increased spending on things like public works, education and the social safety net.

In his famous “Every Man a King” radio address to the nation, Long said that, “It is not the difficulty of the problem which we have; it is the fact that the rich people of this country – and by rich people I mean the super-rich – will not allow us to solve the problems, or rather the one little problem that is afflicting this country, because in order to cure all of our woes it is necessary to scale down the big fortunes, that we may scatter the wealth to be shared by all of the people.”

Huey Long’s successes can be repeated.

The Democratic Party needs to reflect on Senator Landrieu’s loss Saturday, and learn from it.

While the demise of the “Southern Democrat” may be historic, it doesn’t have to be permanent.

Americans across the country, in red states from the Deep South to the Great Plains, favor the progressive ideas and policies that can get our country back on track.

Someone just needs to reach out to them.

And, as Huey Long taught us, a little populism can go a long way, especially in the Deep South.

Truthout Is Preparing to Meet Trump’s Agenda With Resistance at Every Turn

Dear Truthout Community,

If you feel rage, despondency, confusion and deep fear today, you are not alone. We’re feeling it too. We are heartsick. Facing down Trump’s fascist agenda, we are desperately worried about the most vulnerable people among us, including our loved ones and everyone in the Truthout community, and our minds are racing a million miles a minute to try to map out all that needs to be done.

We must give ourselves space to grieve and feel our fear, feel our rage, and keep in the forefront of our mind the stark truth that millions of real human lives are on the line. And simultaneously, we’ve got to get to work, take stock of our resources, and prepare to throw ourselves full force into the movement.

Journalism is a linchpin of that movement. Even as we are reeling, we’re summoning up all the energy we can to face down what’s coming, because we know that one of the sharpest weapons against fascism is publishing the truth.

There are many terrifying planks to the Trump agenda, and we plan to devote ourselves to reporting thoroughly on each one and, crucially, covering the movements resisting them. We also recognize that Trump is a dire threat to journalism itself, and that we must take this seriously from the outset.

After the election, the four of us sat down to have some hard but necessary conversations about Truthout under a Trump presidency. How would we defend our publication from an avalanche of far right lawsuits that seek to bankrupt us? How would we keep our reporters safe if they need to cover outbreaks of political violence, or if they are targeted by authorities? How will we urgently produce the practical analysis, tools and movement coverage that you need right now — breaking through our normal routines to meet a terrifying moment in ways that best serve you?

It will be a tough, scary four years to produce social justice-driven journalism. We need to deliver news, strategy, liberatory ideas, tools and movement-sparking solutions with a force that we never have had to before. And at the same time, we desperately need to protect our ability to do so.

We know this is such a painful moment and donations may understandably be the last thing on your mind. But we must ask for your support, which is needed in a new and urgent way.

We promise we will kick into an even higher gear to give you truthful news that cuts against the disinformation and vitriol and hate and violence. We promise to publish analyses that will serve the needs of the movements we all rely on to survive the next four years, and even build for the future. We promise to be responsive, to recognize you as members of our community with a vital stake and voice in this work.

Please dig deep if you can, but a donation of any amount will be a truly meaningful and tangible action in this cataclysmic historical moment.

We’re with you. Let’s do all we can to move forward together.

With love, rage, and solidarity,

Maya, Negin, Saima, and Ziggy