Skip to content Skip to footer

A Certain Victory for Campaign Finance Reform Looms in Missouri

But opponents of reinstating limits on political donations plan to resume the fight they can’t win at the ballot box in court.

Part of the Series

Campaign finance reformers appear set to celebrate a big win Tuesday in Missouri, where voters are expected to approve a proposed constitutional amendment that would, among other things, reinstate campaign-donation limits in a state that, this year alone, has seen more than $120 million poured into campaigns by writers of six- and seven-figure checks.

A victory is expected because opponents of the measure, known as Amendment 2, aren’t even bothering to campaign against it.

It’s not that those who favor keeping Missouri’s current rules — which the legislature changed eight years ago to remove any limits on campaign donations — have given up. Instead, they’re waiting until after the election. That’s when they hope to return to court and get the amendment revised or tossed out. Opponents maintain that several of the amendment’s provisions are unconstitutional.

To see more stories like this, visit Moyers & Company at Truthout.

But so far, the courts have disagreed. After the legislature refused to reinstate campaign finance limits, those who wanted an end to the six- and seven-figure political donations that have resulted launched an initiative-petition drive to get Amendment 2 on the ballot.

When the measure qualified, organizations trying to keep it off the ballot went to court. They lost over the summer, and in September the Missouri Supreme Court rejected their appeal.

Opposition lawyer Chuck Hatfield says his clients will regroup after the election and decide whether to go to court again. Among the organization’s he’s representing in the effort to keep the lid off campaign donations in Missouri are Legends Bank, a mid-Missouri bank, and the Missouri Electric Cooperative, represents the rural electrical utilities. Both would be barred from contributing to candidates or to political action committees, under the wording of the initiative. It would not affect affect Ameren, one of the biggest electric companies in the state, which still could give to its political action committee.

In the meantime, the opponents have decided not to use the traditional campaign route of attack ads or fliers to try to defeat the proposal.

The proposed amendment restricts contributions to $2,600 per election for candidates for statewide offices, judgeships or the Missouri General Assembly.

It also would cap donations to political party committees to $25,000 per election, and would bar direct donations from corporations or labor unions. They could, however, set up political action committees that could donate money — as corporations and labor unions do on a federal level.

The amendment also bars committee-to-committee transfers, and bars an out-of-state committee from donating to a candidate unless the committee is registered with the state Ethics Commission, which handles campaign finance reports and enforces the state’s campaign finance laws.

Opponents particularly object to a provision that would bar certain types of banks and member-owned organizations, such as public utilities, from forming political action committees to give to campaigns.

Both sides agree the amendment’s most glaring omission is that its limits don’t apply to candidates for local offices.

But Todd Jones, the lawyer who crafted the measure, says its provisions are better than the current setup, in which Missouri has no limits on campaign donations and few restrictions on campaign committees. Just since the beginning of the year, according to records downloaded from the Missouri Ethics Commission, donors writing checks of $100,000 and above have dropped an eye-popping $121 million into contests for Missouri state offices.

Not all of those contributions would be affected: the proposed ban does not affect issue campaigns, such as the one to pass Amendment 2. But it would end the practice of writing big checks to candidates.

“If you give a million dollars to a candidate, whose call are you going to take?” Jones said. “Are you going to take mine? Or are you going to take the donor’s? So there’s a lot of issues with undue influence and impact that donation has on the actual politician.”

Jones was working on behalf of Fred Sauer, a wealthy conservative who bankrolled the petition drive because he says he believes Missouri corporations and wealthy individuals have blocked some conservative causes.

Missouri’s two leading candidates for governor — Democrat Chris Koster and Republican Eric Greitens – are split on the question of donation limits. Both have received six-figure or seven-figure donations.

Greitens contends that donation limits “favor entrenched career politicians and wealthy self-funding candidates over political outsiders and those who challenge the political status quo.”

Koster is a former opponent of campaign-donation limits, but says he has changed his mind because of the increasing flood of huge donations.

Still, he calls Amendment 2 only “an important first step.”

“I think we’re going to have to build on it, because it’s not a perfectly written vehicle,” Koster said. In particular, he points to the lack of limits on local candidates.

We’re not backing down in the face of Trump’s threats.

As Donald Trump is inaugurated a second time, independent media organizations are faced with urgent mandates: Tell the truth more loudly than ever before. Do that work even as our standard modes of distribution (such as social media platforms) are being manipulated and curtailed by forces of fascist repression and ruthless capitalism. Do that work even as journalism and journalists face targeted attacks, including from the government itself. And do that work in community, never forgetting that we’re not shouting into a faceless void – we’re reaching out to real people amid a life-threatening political climate.

Our task is formidable, and it requires us to ground ourselves in our principles, remind ourselves of our utility, dig in and commit.

As a dizzying number of corporate news organizations – either through need or greed – rush to implement new ways to further monetize their content, and others acquiesce to Trump’s wishes, now is a time for movement media-makers to double down on community-first models.

At Truthout, we are reaffirming our commitments on this front: We won’t run ads or have a paywall because we believe that everyone should have access to information, and that access should exist without barriers and free of distractions from craven corporate interests. We recognize the implications for democracy when information-seekers click a link only to find the article trapped behind a paywall or buried on a page with dozens of invasive ads. The laws of capitalism dictate an unending increase in monetization, and much of the media simply follows those laws. Truthout and many of our peers are dedicating ourselves to following other paths – a commitment which feels vital in a moment when corporations are evermore overtly embedded in government.

Over 80 percent of Truthout‘s funding comes from small individual donations from our community of readers, and the remaining 20 percent comes from a handful of social justice-oriented foundations. Over a third of our total budget is supported by recurring monthly donors, many of whom give because they want to help us keep Truthout barrier-free for everyone.

You can help by giving today. Whether you can make a small monthly donation or a larger gift, Truthout only works with your support.